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Posted by NELB Staff on 04/30/2018 at 11:50 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
As we grow up, it really feels like we make choices as first movers. It feels like I decided to drink coffee this morning in a way that was not simply the result of atoms crashing into each other in ways determined long before my birth (or determined by physical laws and random subatomic behavior). But rather than make an argument here about free will directly, I instead ask how confident you are that we have free will. Keeping in mind that no one has defended free will to widespread satisfaction over the last several hundred years, it seems hubristic to believe in free will with very high levels of confidence. Consider then your percent confidence that we have free will and make a little note to yourself about it.
Now assume that we really do have the sort of free will that can generate moral responsibility. How confident are you that we ought to respond to moral wrongdoing by punishing/making wrongdoers suffer? Is it not possible that harming someone who harms others fails to improve the situation? Is it not possible that our urges to make wrongdoers suffers are misdirected, just like many other urges that we learn to control? Consider your confidence, then, assuming that we have free will, that wrongdoers deserve to be punished/suffer for their wrongdoing and write it down.
When we punish, we mostly only consider offenders' recent criminal deeds for which they stand formally accused. We give relatively little consideration to what they deserve across their entire lives. Some people may have suffered so much, one might think, that additional suffering only pushes their situations further from what they deserve rather than closer. Or, they may have done so many good deeds that we would more accurately give them what they deserve by not punishing them than by punishing them. Would it be better to consider what people deserve by considering their whole lives rather than just their criminal history? Taking the propositions in the prior paragraphs as given, note your confidence that it is possible and sufficiently practical to assess the relevant background history of a defendant’s deeds and life circumstances in order to assess what he deserves.
In order to punish under a relatively pure version of retributivism, you need to believe all three of these propositions (i.e., that people can be morally responsible, they deserve punishment/suffering for their wrongdoing, and we have the right data to measure desert). So we can express your confidence in the conjunction by multiplying (because I asked you to consider the probabilities conditioned on the truth of prior propositions). If you were relatively confident in each proposition, say 90% confident, your maximum confidence in the conjunction is .9 *.9 *.9 = 73%. Is that good enough to punish someone? Well, if forensic evidence yielded 73% confidence that a defendant committed some crime, would that be high enough to convict and punish? No need to decide yet. In Punishment and Moral Risk, I walk through nine propositions that one must believe to retributively punish a particular offender. As you can imagine, if you're realistic in your estimates, confidence in the conjunction drops rather quickly.
But how confident must retributivists be that punishment is justified? If they're less than 50% confident, then they believe it more likely the person does not deserve retributive punishment than that he does. But a 50% requirement seems far too low. Most retributivists believe in the beyond-a-reasonable-doubt (BARD) standard. The values underlying that standard seem to reflect the view that it is far worse to punish someone who ought not be punished than fail to punish someone who ought to be. So, though I can't give you an exact number, the values underlying retributivist commitment to BARD suggest retributivists should be rather demanding in their overall confidence that a person deserves to be punished. I claim that, given reasonable ways of filling in the nine propositions I offer, retributivists (of relatively pure varieties) will generally lack sufficient confidence to actually punish a particular offender.
I'm pleased to report that the Illinois Law Review will be publishing an online symposium early next week that responds to the claims I make in the paper. More about that and the five contributors to it next week when the symposium is published!
P.S. Last week, I wrote a post on the "bumpiness" of criminal attempts which took issue with some of Doron Teichman's claims on the subject. I thank him for his thoughtful reply in the comments to that post. (This post originally appeared at Prawfsblawg.)
Posted by Adam Kolber on 04/28/2018 at 09:44 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
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Scientists have an intriguing new theory about our eyebrows and foreheads, Vox News What Can We Learn When a Clinical Trial is Stopped?, Mosaic
How Do Athletes’ Brains Control Their Movements?, The New York Times Mind Control, Free Will, and Jessica Jones, Practical Ethics, Univ. of Oxford The Fake News Effect in Biomedicine, The Neuroethics Blog Robot Cognition Requires Machines that Both Think and Feel, AEON You Share Everything With Your Bestie. Even Brain Waves., The New York Times The Long Search for the Pain Gene, Nature Magazine Ketamine Nasal Spray Relieves Suicidal Thoughts, but Doctors Worry About Abuse Risk, Gizmodo Card Counting and the First Amendment, Neuroethics & Law Blog Regulate Artificial Intelligence to Avert Cyber Arms Race, Nature Magazine A Drug to End Addiction? Scientists Are Working on It., The New York Times 100 Years Later: The Lessons of Encephalitis Lethargica, Discover Magazine The Public Find Articles About Education More Convincing When They Contain Extraneous Neuroscience, The British Psychological Society's Research Digest Earliest animal cranial surgery: From cow to man in the neolithic, Scientific Reports An in vivo model of functional and vascularized human brain organoids, Nature Biotechnology Movement maintains forebrain neurogenesis via peripheral neural feedback in larval zebrafish, eLIFE Neural repair: Getting back on your hindlimbs, Nature Reviews Neuroscience Distinct myeloid cell subsets promote meningeal remodeling and vascular repair after mild traumatic brain injury, Nature Immunology |
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Posted by NELB Staff on 04/26/2018 at 04:48 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Suppose you're rather sure that eating meat is perfectly fine. Indeed, you're 80% confident that non-human animals have no right to life and no great harm occurs when they are slaughtered for food. So you can go on eating meat, right? Not so fast. It would only be rational to consider what follows given your 20% confidence in the possibility that you're wrong. Plausibly you might assess the moral harm of being wrong as quite severe. If you're wrong, let's assume you believe, slaughtering animals for food is a great evil, perhaps almost as serious as slaughtering humans for the same reason.
So here's how things look to our hypothetical person: He's 80% confident that eating meat provides some pleasure and nutrition and is not a significant moral harm. But he's also 20% confident that eating meat is a great evil, not far from being as serious as murder-cannibalism. Now it seems irrational for him to eat meat. If I was 80% confident that opening a box would yield $10,000 for me but 20% confident it would explode and kill me, I'd better not open the box. It's not worth the risk. Why should we analyze these problems any differently when they involve prudential considerations (money vs. explosions) than when they concern moral considerations (pleasures/nutrition from eating vs. harms akin to murder and cannibalism). So, even if our hypothetical person is rather confident that eating meat is perfectly fine, it might be irrational for him to eat meat anyhow, given his levels of confidence and his weighting of the relative harms. That's what makes moral risk important. In our deliberations, it seems that we should consider not only what we believe is moral but what risks we are taking about what is moral as well.
What does this have to do with the law? In a just-published article, I argue that moral risk should lead us to be very skeptical of retributivist justifications of punishment that claim we should punish people because they deserve it for past wrongdoing. Most retributivists find it far worse from a moral perspective to punish an innocent person than to fail to punish someone who is guilty. This asymmetric weighting of moral risks leads them to require a rather higher standard for factual guilt (the beyond-a-reasonable-doubt standard). But as I'll discuss in an upcoming post, I don't think we can plausibly have sufficient confidence in retributivism to overcome the rather high level of confidence that retributivists seem to demand in order to punish. In the meantime, here's Dan Moller on abortion and moral risk and here's Alex Guerrero on moral risk and eating animals. (This post originally appeared at Prawfsblawg.)
Posted by Adam Kolber on 04/25/2018 at 04:19 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
In Leo Katz's characteristically excellent book Why the Law is so Perverse, he argues that the law is often all-or-nothing because many phenomena that appear to stretch along continua, like becoming a person or dying or giving consent, are better understood as discrete events. He does not go so far as to "defend the either/or character of legal doctrines," but he purports "to show why any efforts to change things are doomed" (p. 157). He claims that "most of the time either/or can’t be avoided, or more precisely, that if we tried to purge a doctrine of it, we would find that either/or has simply migrated to another part of the doctrine or has been replaced by some other, far more troublesome feature" (p. 157). In short, he writes, "we can only affect where a sharp discontinuity will occur, not whether it will occur at all" (p. 157). (Some of you may remember that Katz shared many of the insights in his book over the course of a week at the Volokh Conspiracy.)
In a recent article, I challenge several of Katz's arguments. I aim to show that many phenomena which appear to stretch along continua could indeed be treated as such by the law or at least treated in a less all-or-nothing manner than they are now. After the jump, I excerpt just one example where I argue that death need not be understood in the discrete terms Katz proposes.
Continue reading "Must the Law Be as All-or-Nothing as Leo Katz Claims? (Cross-Posted)" »
Posted by Adam Kolber on 04/25/2018 at 03:06 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Recently posted on SSRN: "Aging in the 21st Century: Using Neuroscience to Assess Competency in Guardianships"
BETSY GREY, Arizona State University (ASU) - Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law
Whether to remove a person’s decision making authority in a guardianship proceeding is one of society’s most weighty determinations. As much as we value individual autonomy, we will strip that autonomy when a person is deemed legally “incompetent.” This competency determination has traditionally relied, almost exclusively, on clinical assessments of cognitive and functional abilities, based mainly on observed behavior. But developments in neuroscience — and particularly the advent of physiological biomarkers of Alzheimer’s disease — require us to think about a broader approach to competency determinations. Coupled with behavioral data, information from diagnostic biomarkers can add significant value to the competency determination. This article discusses the potential benefits and risks of use of this evidence in the competency determination, concluding that we need to anticipate its introduction into the equation, but with care to avoid overvaluing the evidence.
Posted by NELB Staff on 04/23/2018 at 11:28 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Recently posted on SSRN: "An Implicit Bias Primer"
GREGORY MITCHELL, University of Virginia School of Law
The phenomenon of implicit bias is much discussed but little understood. This article answers basic conceptual and empirical questions about implicit bias, including what it is, how it is measured, what effects it may have on behavior, and whether it can be changed. Consensus now exists among implicit bias researchers that current measures of implicit bias cannot reliably identify who will or will not discriminate in any given situation and that programs aimed at changing implicit bias produce very limited effects. Despite hopes that implicit bias research would lead to new and better understandings of how and why discrimination occurs, the empirical reality is that implicit bias research has not yet improved our ability to predict and prevent discrimination.
Posted by NELB Staff on 04/20/2018 at 11:26 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
The law draws hard-to-justify lines around vague words. Those lines can lead to dramatically different consequences. In Smoothing Vague Laws, I argued that problems caused by legal vagueness can be eased in many instances by "smoothing" the law. If, for example, you have merely "prepared" to commit a crime, you have no criminal liability. When you cross the line from preparation to "attempt," however, you can have substantial liability--at least the mandatory minimum sentence for the attempt. If the attempt has no mandatory minimum, it's possible that a judge will sentence in a smooth fashion. But I suspect that judges don't think about sentencing in a smooth way. Though there should presumably be cases where a person gets a modest sentence for attempted murder or attempted rape because the crime falls right around the border between preparation and attempt, I suspect such sentences are rare because judges focus on the bumpy names of offenses rather than their often smooth underlying facts.
Doron Teichman takes issue with this discussion in his interesting recent article. Teichman argues that criminal law already uses inchoate crimes to adjust punishment to confidence in guilt in a relatively smooth fashion. For example (p. 776-777):
By adding or removing objective elements to a crime and by relaxing or enhancing the mental state associated with the crime, the state can make the prosecution’s case harder or easier to prove. . . . Furthermore, the punishment attached to these evidentiary crimes can be set lower than the punishment attached to the primary crime they aim to deal with to account for the added evidentiary uncertainty associated with them. The emerging picture is of a de facto evidentiary graded penal regime. Defendants whose guilt can be proven beyond a reasonable doubt are subject to the full punishment attached to the original crime, while defendants whose guilt is more difficult to prove are convicted of the lesser crime and are subject to a milder penalty.
There is much more to Teichman's argument, but pertinent to this post, he concludes that "contrary to Kolber’s assertion that the law of criminal attempts is bumpy because at one moment a defendant 'has no criminal liability whatsoever, and just a moment later, he has sufficient criminal liability to receive several years’ incarceration,' viewed in its entirety, attempt law turns out to be rather smooth."
I have four replies. First, some disagreement on these matters might be attributable to differences in expectations about smoothness and bumpiness and how one quantifies them. For example, I too have noted evidentiary smoothing possibilities, especially around plea bargaining (p.678-680; 874-75), while Teichman, for his part, acknowledges that attempt law can be somewhat bumpy in his n.204. So two observers looking at similar data may still draw different overall conclusions. Second, your view might depend on whether you focus on individuals versus the system as a whole. The combination of preparatory crimes and attempt law may create some evidentiary smoothing systemwide, as Teichman notes. But in any particular case, dramatically different results follow if jurors have reasonable doubts versus an iota passed that standard. Such situations may be relatively uncommon on a systemwide basis but can still be very bumpy for particular individuals (and are perhaps not so unusual in cases that actually go to trial). Third, many scholars distinguish two aspects of attempt. One is the amount of actus reus which may gradually increase as a crime progresses. The other is seriousness of intent (which may be evidenced by a defendant's statements) that doesn't necessarily change or change as much as the attempt progresses, especially when intent is very strong from the get-go. Does punishment vary with confidence in the mental state or in the expectation the acts would continue to completion? Is punishment somehow keyed to both even though they change at different rates?
Finally, and most importantly, I have emphasized that when speaking carefully, we should identify smooth and bumpy relationships between a particular input and a particular output. If Teichman is right about matters of evidence, his conclusions about the smoothness of attempt are still too broad. Even if amount of punishment is smoothly related to confidence in guilt, there are other relationships that may or may not be smooth. Many seem to think that culpability gradually increases as one progresses along a criminal path (and perhaps harm caused as well if an attempt grows increasingly threatening over time). If they're right, punishment isn't simply about discounting expected future crimes based on our confidence they will be committed. If I'm 75% confident a defendant arrested for attempt was going to commit a crime that warrants 100 units of punishment, he wouldn't necessarily warrant 75 units now. After all, the person who does complete the offense likely engaged in additional bad acts with additional culpability that the defendant never committed, and that matters to some people. So whether or not the evidentiary relationship Teichman considers is smooth or bumpy, there are other pertinent relationships as well. (Special thanks to Doron Teichman for taking up the smooth/bumpy issue in his article which I highly recommend!) (Originally posted at Prawfsblawg.)
Posted by Adam Kolber on 04/18/2018 at 03:21 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Recently posted on SSRN: "Virtual Reality Exceptionalism"
GILAD YADIN, University of Haifa, Faculty of Law
Virtual reality is here. In just a few years, the technology moved from science fiction to the Internet, from specialized research facilities to living rooms. These new virtual reality environments are connected, collaborative, and social — built to deliver a subjective psychological effect that believably simulates spatial physical reality. Cognitive research shows that this effect is powerful enough that virtual reality users act and interact in ways that mirror real-world social and moral norms and behavior.
Contemporary cyberlaw theory is largely based on the notion that cyberspace is exceptional enough to warrant its own specific rules. This premise, a descendant of early cyberspace exceptionalism, may be dramatically undermined by the advent of virtual reality. This technology brings cyberspace conceptually and concretely close to the real world, blurring legally significant distinctions between cyberspace behavior and physical behavior, between “real,” “not real,” and “virtually real.”
There is an opportunity here. Some of the cyberspace-specific legal regimes that developed over the last twenty years are seriously flawed, especially in criminal law contexts. Computer-hacking legislation is overly broad and vague, resulting in the criminalization of minor Internet infractions and the chilling of digital freedoms; cyberharassment and cyberstalking laws are poorly enforced and ineffective, turning cyberspace into a hostile environment for many people; and government cybersurveillance norms have seriously upset the balance between public security and individual privacy, putting society on the path to an Orwellian surveillance state.
Virtual reality brings a new understanding of the human cyberspace behavior continuum that counteracts cyberspace exceptionalism, undermines contemporary cyberlaw theory, and presents an opportunity to move away from problematic cyberspace-specific legal regimes and back towards the well-established laws of the real world.
Posted by NELB Staff on 04/18/2018 at 11:24 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
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It’s not my fault, my brain implant made me do it, The Conversation Could artificial intelligence get depressed and have hallucinations?, Science Magazine
Europe divided over robot 'personhood', Politico Being a neuroscientist: A conversation with veteran Stanford brain researcher Rob Malenka, Stanford SCOPE Scientists have an intriguing new theory about our eyebrows and foreheads, Vox News Bad Science of the Havana Embassy “Sonic Attack”, Discovery Magazine Global Neuroethics and Cultural Diversity: Some Challenges to Consider, Neuroethics Blog Why Scientists Are Battling Over Pleasure, New York Times Brain’s “Brakes” Suppress Unwanted Thoughts, Scientific American Overeating? It may be a brain glitch, The Conversation What We Know And Don’t Know About Memory Loss After Surgery, Kaiser Health News Scientists teach computers how to analyze brain cells, NIH Total Recall: The Latest Tools for Understanding How Memory Works, Scientific American An Optical Neuron-Astrocyte Proximity Assay at Synaptic Distance Scales, Neuron Proprioceptive and cutaneous sensations in humans elicited by intracortical microstimulation, eLIFE Large-scale replication study reveals a limit on probabilistic prediction in language comprehension, eLIFE Aspm knockout ferret reveals an evolutionary mechanism governing cerebral cortical size, Nature Innate immune memory in the brain shapes neurological disease hallmarks, Nature Pretreatment Rostral Anterior Cingulate Cortex Theta Activity in Relation to Symptom Improvement in Depression, JAMA |
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Posted by NELB Staff on 04/17/2018 at 11:23 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
In my prior post, I noted a live question as to how, if at all, the First Amendment protects freedom of thought in cases (such as card counting) that might be deemed to lack expression. While the Supreme Court has talked a good show about freedom of thought, its precedents say little about how the Amendment would apply to a case implicating free thought but not expression.
The Seventh Circuit, however, has addressed the question more directly. In Doe v. City of Lafayette, Doe went to a public park, sat on a bench, and spent about fifteen to thirty minutes watching several children in their early- to mid-teens play in the park. Doe admitted having sexual thoughts about the children, including urges to expose himself or have sexual contact with them. But at least in part because of the high number of children present, his thoughts “weren’t realistic at the time” and “were just thoughts.” Doe was banned from entering the park and claimed that doing so violated his First Amendment rights.
While a three-judge panel agreed, the Seventh Circuit, sitting en banc, held otherwise. The en banc court said the ban was imposed because of Doe’s conduct (namely, going to the park) and only incidentally burdened his thoughts. So even this case doesn't perfectly get at the question of punishing pure thought. But interestingly, the Seventh Circuit speculated about how the First Amendment might operate independent of expression, stating in a footnote that if Doe’s pedophilic urges triggered First Amendment scrutiny, they would fall under an exception, just like child pornography does:
Even if we were to determine that Mr. Doe’s sexual urges somehow triggered First Amendment scrutiny, they would be excepted from First Amendment protection under the incitement and obscenity doctrines. Given the context in which the urges occurred and the action they precipitated, they were, in a very real sense, “directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and [were] likely to incite or produce such action.” . . . Furthermore, Mr. Doe’s urges, if they triggered First Amendment scrutiny, would be characterized as a form of child pornography, the possession and distribution of which has been held unprotected by the Supreme Court.
Of course, the court quickly reiterated that because Doe’s conduct did not involve expression, “it is quite unrealistic even to talk about
these doctrines in this case.” The quoted comments are nevertheless puzzling for at least two reasons. First, the Seventh Circuit mistakenly asserts that if Doe’s urges triggered First Amendment scrutiny, they would constitute a form of unprotected child pornography. In Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, the Supreme Court struck down federal legislation that banned so-called “virtual” child pornography that appears to depict minors but does not actually depict real people. Even if Doe had a vivid imagination, were he to accurately draw the images in his head on paper, they would presumably constitute protected virtual child pornography rather than unprotected actual child pornography.
Second, the en banc Seventh Circuit seems mistaken when it suggested more broadly that freedom of thought has categorical exceptions in the way that freedom of expression does, if we accept its own admission that “[a] government entity no doubt runs afoul of the First Amendment when it punishes an individual for pure thought.” The Seventh Circuit’s view that the First Amendment protects pure thought, in conjunction with its assertion that there are excepted categories of thought, suggests that we can punish people solely for thoughts that fall under an exception. If so, it would mean we could punish people merely for having thoughts that would be libelous if expressed but that are never actually expressed. We couldn’t punish people merely for having fantasies and urges to rape directed at adults (protected thoughts) but could punish people merely for fantasies and urges directed at children (unprotected thoughts). Perhaps the Seventh Circuit intended such exceptions to only apply to thought combined with action or believed that other constitutional provisions would come into play, but it never qualified its discussion, and it is not obvious how the Seventh Circuit would justify excepting some categories of thought from protection but not others.
In short, the Supreme Court has never resolved whether the First Amendment protects thought alone or only when intertwined with expression. The Seventh Circuit suggests that they must be intertwined, but its discussion seems internally inconsistent or at least counterintuitive. (Adapted from Two Views of First Amendment Thought Privacy, 18 U. Penn. J. Const. L. 1381 (2016) (citations omitted).) (Originally posted at Prawfsblawg.)
Posted by Adam Kolber on 04/16/2018 at 11:25 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Neuroscientists continue to get better at reading our minds. (Technically they correlate observable brain data to our reported thoughts, but what else could mind reading be?) Here, for example, MIT researchers showcase a non-invasive method of assessing thought using neuromuscular impulses in our faces that activate when we think about particular words. It may someday help people with certain speech difficulties or serve an even broader audience in next generation Google Glass-type devices. We can get much more direct neural information if we connect electrode arrays directly to the brain though such approaches are obviously too invasive to have widespread general uses. The law has yet to wrestle much with government invasion of our minds through new brain technologies (query: can the government force you to use the MIT device above to unlock your smartphone?), but this may change in the future.
In Two Views of First Amendment Thought Privacy, I explored a hypothetical question that could be raised even today. Namely, could the government criminalize card counting at blackjack? Card counters keep track of public information (the other cards played at the table) and engage in some mental computations to turn the odds of winning in their favor. It is already a serious crime in many places to use a device to count cards, but could the state criminalize card counting that just uses your mind?
Basically everyone who plays blackjack engages in some mental computations just to decide whether to hit or stick. For the state to allow some mental computations but not others seems like what we might call "thought-content discrimination": the state picks certain methods of mental computation to permit and some to prohibit. When I asked law professors at several faculty workshops whether the First Amendment would prohibit the state from criminalizing card counting, hands were split about evenly.
In the paper, I present the case that card counting might be protected by the First Amendment, though I don't purport to do more than show the argument's plausibility. I realize that it's an uphill battle because there is little case law testing what thought protections, if any, the Amendment has outside of contexts that also include expression. Hence the two views of First Amendment Thought Privacy: (1) The Amendment protects freedom of thought itself (what I call the independent view), or (2) it only protects freedom of thought when linked to expression (what I call the intertwined view). Existing case law does little to distinguish the two views but the answer may have implications for the privacy of card counting (where the activity is not obviously expressive) and implications more broadly for the future as brain-related technologies improve.
(Originally posted at Prawfsblawg where I am guest blogging for a month.)
Posted by Adam Kolber on 04/13/2018 at 03:21 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
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For Many Strokes, There’s an Effective Treatment. Why Aren’t Some Doctors Offering It?, New York Times It’s not my fault, my brain implant made me do it, The Conversation
A human head transplant would be reckless and ghastly. It’s time to talk about it. Vox Why good people turn bad online, Mosaic Brain-stimulation trials get personal to lift depression, Nature News DNA tests for IQ are coming, but it might not be smart to take one, MIT Technology Review Why you stink at fact-checking, The Conversation Emmanuel Macron wants France to become a leader in AI and avoid ‘dystopia’, Science Magazine The Seven Principles for Ethical Consumer Neurotechnologies: How to Develop Consumer Neurotechnologies that Contribute to Human Flourishing, The Neuroethics Blog 'The Neuroscientist Who Lost Her Mind' Returns From Madness, NPR: Shots What Does It All Ketamine? Discover: Neuroskeptic Chimpanzees: Persons or Things? The Hastings Center Bioethics Forum How to reprogram memory cells in the brain, Science Daily MIT severs ties to company promoting fatal brain uploading, MIT Technology Review Smile! Your dog’s brain will light up in response, Science Magazine From meat to mind: the root of consciousness, Nature Concussions originate from ringing deep inside the brain, modeling suggests, Science Degrees of functional connectome abnormality in disorders of consciousness, Human Brain Mapping Surviving threats: neural circuit and computational implications of a new taxonomy of defensive behaviour, Nature Reviews Neuroscience Interbrain cortical synchronization encodes multiple aspects of social interactions in monkey pairs, Scientific Reports Structure of the nucleotide exchange factor eIF2B reveals mechanism of memory-enhancing molecule, Science Identification of long-lived synaptic proteins by proteomic analysis of synaptosome protein turnover, PNAS |
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Posted by NELB Staff on 04/09/2018 at 01:43 PM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Recently posted on SSRN: "Cast into Doubt: Free Will and the Justification for Punishment"
STEPHEN KOPPEL, CUNY, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
MARK ROBERT FONDACARO, John Jay College - CUNY Graduate Center
CHONGMIN NA, University of Maryland, College Park
Criminal punishment is justified on either retributive or consequential grounds. The retributive justification is premised on a commonsense view of free will: offenders can freely choose to commit crimes and so deserve blame for their actions. The consequentialist justification, in contrast, is not necessarily premised on the free will concept, but rather justifies punishment when it is the most cost-effective way of preventing crime. Science elucidating the mechanistic causes of human behavior has thrown the notion of free will into doubt, leading some to predict a shift in public support away from retribution towards consequentialism. Past research shows that free will doubt weakens support for retribution, but less is known about its effects on support for consequentialism, or about whether these effects differ across the crime severity spectrum. In this study, we explore the effects of free will doubt on support for retribution and consequentialism in response to three different categories of crime — drug crime, property crime, and violent crime — which have been shown to evoke varying levels of emotion. We find clear inconsistencies across the crime spectrum. For high affect crime, free will doubt weakens support for retribution via blame, and increases support for consequentialism. For low affect crime, free will doubt weakens support for retribution to an even greater extent, yet also decreases support for consequentialism via blame. These findings suggest that, as science reveals the mechanistic causes of criminal behavior, support for criminal punishment will decrease, especially with respect to less serious crimes.
Posted by NELB Staff on 04/05/2018 at 10:33 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)
Recently posted on SSRN: "Rethinking the Voluntary Act Requirement: Implications from Neuroscience and Behavioral Science Research"
MARK ROBERT FONDACARO, John Jay College - CUNY Graduate Center
Criminal responsibility in the American legal system requires the presence of an actus reus — a harmful act that was committed voluntarily — and a mens rea, or guilty mind. Courts frequently consider questions surrounding mens rea but rarely question whether an act was committed voluntarily. Thus, courts presume that acts have been committed voluntarily and with an ill will; retribution, which serves the primary basis for punishment in the United States, relies on this presumption. Research in neuroscience and the behavioral sciences, however, suggests this presumption is flawed and not sufficiently robust to justify punishment that is grounded in retribution. In this paper we discuss the presumption of voluntariness and free will inherent in the law, provide examples of how the courts have conflated actus reus and mens rea and the consequences of doing so, and the implications of neuroscience and behavioral science research for actus reus (also known as the voluntary act requirement). Finally, we propose re-conceptualizing punishment within a consequentialist, empirically-based framework that does not rely on folk psychological notions about human behavior and reinvigorates the actus reus as the foundational requirement for legal responsibility.
Posted by NELB Staff on 04/03/2018 at 10:32 AM | Permalink | Comments (0)